Beckerlegge G (ed)(2001)From Sacred Text to Internet, Milton Keynes: Open University

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Introduction

1 Babb a sort of "system" that retains and transmits information in various encoded, symbolic forms. Ways of representing timeless, infinite and supernatural things.

2 framework of assumptions and and status accorded to content of communications plays large part in determining practices and ways of symbolising and transmitting teachings.

3 Technological innovations also alter representation.

3/4 ethnic religion and founded religion

4 variety of issues

Chapter 1: Moyise S and Pearson J: Jesus in History and Film

Enlightenment - refusal to accept truth just because promulgated by authority. Bible makes historical claims for Jesus, so can be tested. Matthew originally thought to be earliest. Described here as 13 community formation document. By C19 Mark believed to be earliest, with Matthew an expansion of it. By end C19 general conclusion that John was not historical account but theological reflection.

Mark's Jesus has negative qualities e.g. anger, fear - puzzling for church (therefore early enough to be before movement for church formation); John's more confident, positive.

Different portrayals in art e.g. Grunewald, Raphael. Schweitzer on the historical Jesus - believed Jesus believed world would soon end.

Study Guide says ch 1 offers:


Marsh C and Moyise S, Mark's Gospel, in Mumm S (ed)(2002) Religion Today: A Reader Milton Keynes: Open University

2 has been described as a passion narrative with an extended introduction. One third on final week of Jesus' life. There is no evidence that Jews of his time were expecting a messiah. Several passages where Jesus commands silence. Wrede interprets these as introductions by the early church, suggesting a messianic secret, to deal with the difficulty of J not in fact proclaiming that he was the messiah. Conservative groups interpret it differently, seeing J's claims as non-political, attempting not to be taken over by e.g. Zealots.

5 glory and suffering passages need to be reconciled. Mark puts "son of man" into J's mouth, while referring himself to "son of god". May be connected.


Attempts to distinguish earlier from later pieces e.g. awkward stuff likely to be earlier e.g. Jesus' baptism by John.

22 Sanders lists only 8 events that can be held to be facts. Suggests Jesus best seen as restoration prophet - very awkward for church. Wrede says strongly Jesus himself not a Christian, so the choosing of the 12 (symbolic of the 12 tribes) is likely to be legitimate. The fact that Judas betrayed Jesus made his speaking of the 12 thrones awkward.

23-4 Miraculous powers? the book pulls its punches here. Saya they saw Jesus as having special powers like other prophets. Wrede messianic secret. Jesus seminars on historicity of sayings of Jesus decided apocalyptic sayings are not genuine - controversial. Burton Mack Jesus as a Cynic philosopher. Miracles were about social integration - healing outcasts but not everybody Jesus healed was an outcast. Eschatology Wright believes genuine but not signifying end of world. Wright redefines criteria for authenticity. Includes as genuine material that differed somewhat from what early church preached but was sufficiently close to see how church adapted it.


Borg, Does The Historical Jesus Matter, in Mumm S (ed)(2002) Religion Today: A Reader Milton Keynes: Open University

7 We are quite certain that Jesus did not think of himself as divine or as "son of God" in any unique sense.. Before Enlightenment "precritical naivete". Didn't mean literal understanding of everything: e.g. passage where devil takes Jesus to a mountain and shows him all the kingdoms of the earth, Origen comments there is no such mountain so it must mean something else.

Reinarus, Strauss significant. C19 general belief that historical Jesus mattered greatly. Early C20 opinion turned, mostly due to Kahler and Schweitzer - biblical Jesus seen as different from historical Jesus. Schweitzer saw Jesus as eschatological, but that as irrelevant - spiritual Christ is one we believe in.

Perrin reasserted importance of historical Jesus. "Faith-image" a mixture of historical reminiscence at a somewhat distant remove, and myth legend and idealism. Historical knowledge is part, though not prime part, of faith-image. But is crucial for validation of faith-image. Borg suggests historical knowledge not essential to being a Christian but is relevant. 13 images of Jesus in fact very much affect images of the Christian life.


Jesus in film

35 Many portrayals - non-controversial/conformist and controversial/challenging.

Film a powerful and immediate medium, largely beyond control of Christians. 1979 film Jesus, taken from Luke, casts English actor as Jesus and adds material at the end to emphasise that it is only a section of the Jewish people with the authorities who want him dead.

1912 British Board of Film Censors banned direct depiction of Jesus.

Various representations

1927 de Mille's The King of Kings - patriarchal Jesus.

1961 King of Kings - teenage Jesus - many controversial scenes omitted, e.g. money changers in the Temple. Jesus preaches peace and love. a Jesus "without sweat glands" (unattributed).

1964/66 Zeffirelli - Jesus of Nazareth - Jesus offering a kingdom not of this world.

1966 Pasolini - The Gospel According to Matthew. Amalgam of religious prophet and social critic; cinema verite style.

44 no eschatology in modern representations - legacy of C19 - didn't fit with idea of progress - but not just a legacy. And why not applicable to life after the atom bomb?

Controversial films - shaking the C19 legacy was part of the 60s revolution.

1969 Denis Potter's TV play Son of Man

1973 JC Superstar - physical representation unchanged but now reflected hippies. Jesus as human - tired and scared. Chimed with 60s emphasis on individual self.

p46 1979 Life of Brian

1988 Last Temptation of Christ (the temptation was not just sexual, but domesticity). Also explores representation by the church. Has Paul say 49 I created the truth out of what people needed and what they believed. If I have to crucify you to save them, then I'll crucify you. If I have to resurrect you, then I'll do that too".


Telford: The Characterisation of Jesus

Problems - choice of actor to play Jesus; suitability of Jesus himself as a leading man; presentation of the divine as well as the human in Jesus.

Types - the patriarchal Christ; the adolescent Christ the pacific Christ; the subversive Christ; the mystical Christ.

I've got as far as the Telford article on Jesus in film, and I'm wondering whether I'm right to feel a bit short changed. He accounts for "our" figure of Jesus - blond, bearded, blue eyed etc - as a throwback to Victorian piety, (which is repeated by the course book authors somewhere). Now that's fair enough as an account of Victorian imagery, but it's not nearly enough to account for our using it now. What is it that makes us go back to and maintain a Victorian image? (Alongside others - because there are other representations, although you might not notice from reading some of this article.) There must be something about the way contemporary western society sees the world we're living in now that makes us choose to hark back to Victorian times. We definitely do - look at the proportion of Christmas cards that get printed every year with Dickensian themes (stomach churning as far as I'm concerned, but that's another issue). But the key question is what is it that makes us. And I don't know the answer, apart from a rather too easy surmise about us still hankering after an age of power and apparent certainty. An alternative of course is that it's not a throwback, it's just that the Anglo-Saxon image works just as well for us as it did for our Victorian forebears and there's no direct reference back involved at all.

Then Telford brings in Cool Hand Luke and Jesus of Montreal as representations of Jesus. Anybody remember seeing Jesus in Cool Hand Luke? There have been plenty of attempts to see symbolism in the film (I just googled it and came up with some quite decent ideas and a load of nonsense), but that's not a representation of Jesus in the same sense as he's talking about in films such as The Greatest Story Ever told.

And Jesus doesn't appear in Jesus of Montreal either. Lothaire Bluteau plays an actor who plays Jesus in a passion play, and the film is much more about the actor, and about how people represent things than it is actually a representation of Jesus. (Anybody seen it by the way? It's brilliant.) So it's very difficult to draw conclusions about the way film makers represent Jesus because it's at one remove.

And finally what gets to me most of all is the way he talks about Hollywood as if that is the only cinema - he says how Jesus' character - pacifist and traditionally asexual - sits uncomfortably with "the cinema's" predilection for sex and violence. Excuse me, current Hollywood cinema maybe, but you can't say that of a huge proportion of national or regional cinemas all over the world.


Link to page with list of biblical references in Cool Hand Luke

College paper review of Cool Hand Luke with some interesting ideas

Very interesting article on Brian and Jesus

A more detailed account of what "Life of Brian" says about Jesus - this is a pdf to download.

Chapter 2: Beckerlegge, G: Hindu sacred images for the mass market

57 Ganesh milk drinking 1995. Use of objects as enhancing religious awareness, or not. Have proved to be divisive forms of symbolic representation. "Unquiet and visible aspects of religion." Iconic image representing a likeness; and aniconic.


Joanne Punzo Waghorne: The embodiment of divinity in India

Image worship often seen as popular, common, low class. 282 recent interest in concrete and immediate experience seems almost spontaneous. Anthropology and history of religion developed in such a way that their theories saw images as primitive. 284 East India Company inherited royal duty of protection of temples, so were seen in C19 England as supporting idolatry. Max Muller began study of comparative religion, seeing India as ideal testing ground. Saw that idolatry was not to be condemned but to be understood as a useful tool. In India earlier stages of religion not discarded but preserved for young and masses.

Deals with this almost entirely from Western point of view. Some clue that Hindus see it similarly e.g. 284/5 suggestion that high caste Hindus go through stages towards true self-discovery. But are there no Hindu theorists? Does the West take no notice of them?


Images as visual texts, forms of symbolic encodement.

Veda suggests that relationship between different deities is both subtle and complex. Different theories of unity coexist. Brahman - non-personal reality that sustains everything. Ishvara - deity with personal attributes, lord of everything, usually seen as lesser than Brahman. Toleration between different branches of Hinduism. Murti - likeness - images of metal, wood etc - strong suggestion of embodiment - divine takes form within murti.

Stronger meaning therefore to terms represent and symbolic. Priest said milk drinking is Ganesh saying this is not just stone, it is me. Rituals of installation, and worship of tools. Power possessed by all gods but seen as female and particularly attribute of Maha Devi, in form of Kali, Durga, Parvati, or others.


Diana Eck: Seeing the sacred

Need for hermeneutics of the visible; how we understand and interpret what we see.

Arnheim - Visual Thinking. Seeing/thinking dichotomy in western thought is problematic. Visual perception is integrally related to thought: visual images are shapers and bearers of thought. Seeing is not a a passive awareness of visual data, but an active focusing on it. I know this, but still, till now, thought of my visual activity being beyond my control. I don't see myself as choosing which bits of what I see to notice.

Looking at India a challenge to be self-conscious about who we are as seers.


Vishvakarman, the "all-maker" ancestor of all image-makers of whatever craft. Conservatism and personal anonymity encouraged by conformity to schools. Shilpa shastras - teachings that lay down principles of image making, over 1000 years old. 64 C16 to C18 Mughal dynasty Islamic influence, also European. Very sketchy history, but shows that things did change despite rules and conservatism.

C19 lithographic prints. Chromolithographs imported from Europe. Patua paintings plentiful 1830 -1930 when cheaper prints and photographs overtook them. Some worked for British patrons, took on European features.

67 Raja Ravi Varma oleographic press S India, with German collaboration - Anglo-Indian form. Technological change made production cheaper - widened market. Mass production standardised images, and also associations and expectations. Secular subjects also became more important.


Preston: Popular street images

In recent years popular religion has flourished in urban India. Street festivals, involving large scale production of images for processions etc. Images destroyed at end of processions - which keeps the image makers in business, and indeed prosperous. Has attracted apprentices from other castes. Style relatively unchanged and true to shastras. Innovations appear in dreams, usually confined to minor changes of style. Paid for by neighbourhood associations, groups of students, rich merchants, government officials - who are almost like royalty, granting petitions etc. Street rituals also regroup people from diverse traditional backgrounds, despite relative isolation at other times of year. Doesn't say what the effect of this is - religion as social cohesion?


Sacred images and modernisation of Hinduism

Customary to date modern period in India from first quarter of C19, and easy therefore to assume all to do with British influence - more to it than this. Significant variations in levels of development in different areas of India, also not all subcontinent absorbed into British rule. Longer historical perspective might suggest modernisation as ongoing alteration and improvement of existing institutions. But still connected to scientific and technological advance: effects of Industrial Revolution mediated to India through colonisers, primarily British.

Hindu intellectuals of C19 began to reinterpret criteria of value in their own tradition in the light of the changing world. "Modern Hinduism" describes several movements started by such people. Debate about what constituted "sanatana dharma" or eternal elements of Hinduism. Continuing practice of murtipuja - worship of images - became litmus test for indicating positions in later debates. Sampraday or sampradaya - traditional religious grouping. Two significant people Rammohun Roy (1772-1833) founded Brahno Samaj "reformer"; Dayananda Sarasvati (1824-1883) founded Arya Samaj "revivalist". But they were combatting strongly held view about murtipuja, defended by e.g. Bharatendu Harishchandra - argued e.g. need to subordinate reason to devotion.

72 "Mass art" taken by some commentators as sign of aesthetic decline, and hence its meaning for devotees is neglected.


Rammohun Roy: Idolatry and the defence of Hindu theism

Doesn't go for Christian interpretations of idol worship softening the implication of the practice: destroys texture of society. Says Veda has not prescribed the practice.

Sarasvati: Idol worship

Mouse climbing on idol of Shiva. God being Formless and Omnipresent cannot have an image. Idol worship and other evil practices responsible for existence of millions of idle beggarly priests.

Vivakananda: Defence of image worship

Not good because being practised wrongly. Necessary for some; those who can do better should leave those who can't alone.

Gandhi

Did not like temple's glitter and pomp, also heard rumours of immorality. "I do not disbelieve in idol worship." Sees it as part of human nature.


History, myth, reality

74 Krishna and Radha. In Mahabharata (containing Bhagavadgita). Two images - youthful, enticing, herdsman/lover, and sage teacher and leader. Teaching of selfless action became prominent in last quarter C19 as Hindu wing of nationalist movement sought ideology. Christian missionaries demanded reconciliation of the two images and some Hindus were sensitive to the immoral appearance of the erotic part of the herdsman image. Seen as symptomatic of modern Indian puritanism, which is seen as overriding characteristic of modern Hinduism.

Although Hinduism never based truth claims on historical fact, some became interested in historical method and believed it might dispel some falsehoods about Hinduism circulated by India's critics and thus help the nationalist cause. Chatterji novel, and Ravi Varma naturalist paintings that appealed to both Indian and British patrons. Often romantic landscapes 78 Blurton antiseptic, safe and unemotional. Became more realistic still after arrival of photography in Indian cities. Calcutta Art Studio continued to use traditional symbolism e.g. bright blue for certain deities, multiple limbs. Faces took on asexual appearance - resulting in persistent "pretty-featured gods".

80 Advent of photography generated "photo-iconography", which has generated in some devotees a greater confidence in the historicity of their tradition. Ramakrishna - photos also used to emphasise his deep spirituality. Some describe it as visionary lens. Images produced by Ramakrishna Math and Mission closely resemble these photos. But figure of Ramakrishna has been treated more flexibly by commercial artists. Inc his seeking of Kali, which has strengthened that image in popular religion of Bengal, contrary to disciples' efforts to show him as prophet of religious universalism.

Sacred images in the C20 marketplace

Calendar prints, pilgrimage prints and devotional prints. Content - supernaturals, saints and sacred sites. For three dimensional objects traditional methods of production have been supplemented by plastic. Less call for traditional shilpin, now kept alive partly by government funded training courses. Tourism and festivals good for business.

Sacred images and casual mementoes

Sacredness of murti does not flow back to production site, and some people may buy images just as mementoes. Some images designed for this market e.g. showing mythical events rather than devotional poses. Surveys show use of religious images remains widespread and constant. Devotional prints designed so that devotee can stand in full gaze of figure and receive darshana. Happens without any installation ritual, suggesting possibility of omnipraxy, DIY attitude to ritual requirements, as opposed to orthopraxy. Omnipraxy suggests growth of informal, individualistic and privatised forms of practice - characteristics which fit with general theories about changing nature of religion at end of C20. Brown 1980 noted "invented" Hinduism of the educated. Mix and matching taking place (Jain), but no evidence of decline in murtipuja.

Moving images

Cinema etc religious themes vague and condensed to keep conservatives content. Approx 5% cinema output in 70s was religious, increased slightly in late 80s by success of TV series. Humour and obligatory dance sequences part of reason why film not accorded same reverence as other images. Jai Santoshi Ma 1975 popularised cult of goddess previously unknown to many.

92 Ramayana on Doordosha - many behaved as if before murti.

93 Tulsi Marus temple at Varanasi - moving tableaux.

Political arena

Hindu/Indian identity: bound up together in campaign against British rule. Calcutta Art Studio 1879 print of black Kali standing over white body of Shiva seized upon by nationalists. European colouring of Rami Varma's deities rapidly gave way to darker hues. Gandhi drew heavily on religious symbolism. Political leaders shown in iconographic form - necessary because of diversity of languages, and widespread illiteracy.

Screening of Ramayana and Mahabharatra coincided with beginning of period of uncertainty and economic exclusion - rise of Hindu right. 1992 Ayodhya mosque violence - among those campaigning were Arya Samaj, despite opposition to murti, believed in "recalling" of Hindus "lost" to Islam, Sikhism and Christianity. Arguably Rama recreated by Hindutva movement as hero of angry Hindus. Image of Rama Lalla (baby) especially effective at Ayodhya in rallying women and men to the cause.

105 Devotion to Bharat Mata, mother India. 1983 new temple to Bharat Mata at Haridvar 8 storeys high. Includes shrines to heroes and martyrs, including women who died in sati.

108 Some argue symbols are life breath of religion and that drift away from organised religion has been partly due to inability of religious systems to provide satisfying symbolism in face of testing questions about truth and meaning from modern scientific and sceptical sources. Symbol's power lies in capacity to draw out subjective recognition. Acceptance of much religious symbolism depends to high degree on socialisation into particular historical and cultural setting. Durability and power depend on constant renewal and reinterpretation. Hiduism good at this.

Mix and match of younger Hindus - feature of globalisation. Participating in festivals by logging on to internet.

In many senses long standing sacred symbols being overtaken by secular forces - economics under colonials and under multinationals. Traditional authorities playing diminished role under impact of globalisation relative to personal judgement. More to choose from for mix and match. Most noticeable in urban settings. Finally Hindu nationalism parallels many nationalisms reacting to insecurity about both internal and external boundaries.

Waterhouse, H: Representing western Buddhism: a United Kingdom focus

Beckerlegge religions as systems that encode information in symbolic forms - texts, rituals, teachers, institutions. These encodements change over time. Transmission of meaning must be both authentic and accessible. Historically Buddhism has transferred particularly successfully between cultures. Some doctrinal features aid this e.g. place given to "skill" regardless of whether it is traditional. Example: changes in rules of monastic discipline to fit western culture. Changes often heavily influenced by Christianity as the offsetting culture. E.g. Buddhism sometimes described as not having "faith" rather than explaining that what Buddhism means by faith 119 trustful confidence partly based on personal experienceis different from what Christians mean by faith.

Many forms of Buddhism - some central doctrines e.g. the Four Noble Truths - that life is unsatisfactory, causes of that, stopping it, and the path to stopping it.

In the West Buddhist practices from different schools often in close proximity; this has increased inter-group dialogue in Asia. Can be seen as a consequence of globalisation.

122 very difficult to count western Buddhist. Membership not compulsory; easier to count institutions and extrapolate.

In Europe and N America converts tend to speak for and represent Buddhism - may skew what is seen.


Baumann, M: Buddhism in Europe: past, present, prospects

150 years, very small numbers, plurality of traditions, schools, orders, lineage. In Europe first 100 years of contact all westerners taking up Buddhism - immigration did not happen till second half C20. Early C19 romantic enthusiasm for the orient. Buddhism seen as forming part of beliefs of "Hindoos".

West mostly interested in ideas, not lifestyle, apart from a few notable exceptions. Close interaction between Europe and Asia - colonialism, western ideas and missionary zeal led Buddhists to begin reinterpretation of teachings to fit modernity and western challenges. Historical-critical European tradition used to unearth "original" Buddhism. Dharmapala 1864-1933, founded Moha Buddha society 1891; travelled a great deal to Europe and USA. Lay Buddhists had more impact than monks whose were too exotic for Europe up to 1920s.

299-303 Established in various countries. Controlled under Nazis, persecuted by Stalin. From 1880s mostly Pali canon and Theravada. Post 2WW much more diverse. Zen boomed in 1960s and 1970s - helped by travel opening up (for young?) From mid 70s Tibetan Buddhism. 1975-2000 explosive growth in many countries to total approx 1 million now. Of which 2/3 immigrants.

310 variety of different social, cultural, legal contexts which affect spread, institutionalisation, forms of organisation, doctrinal standards and representational issues.

Spread - a century ago attacked as "devastating nihilism" and "wretched pessimism". Recently some forms labelled cults.

Institutionalisation - Swiss law 1874 banned monasteries (aimed at Jesuits) - so Swiss Buddhists have an "institute". Russia 1997 law forbids religions not previously established for 15 years (at prompting of Orthodox Church). Greece mid 90s woman prosecuted for not having government permission for her foundation.

Organisation - special rights e.g. legal status - need to conform to national laws - e.g. Austria needed an umbrella organisation - which 11 groups joined and 15 did not. Similar organisation refused registration in West Germany because neither funding nor members sufficient.

Standards - same kind of effect.

Representation - public figures tend to be converts - not an issue for Buddhists till recently. Questions arise as to whether leader of a strand can represent others. Various tensions and e.g. media investigations have not affected generally positive public view of Buddhism.

315 Two distinct lines of development - convert and immigrant - they rarely meet and are not interested in each other. Immigrant communities face challenge of how to transmit through generations. Language is one issue, also how traditions will change to meet socio-cultural context of time-pressure, rationality and individualism. Up to now most immigrant groups recruit leaders from Asia - may not be satisfactory in future.

No studies yet relate concepts of compartmentalisation and diaspora to immigrant Buddhist communities.


128 Buddhism is so diverse that generalisations are not necessarily meaningful. Case studies therefore necessary.

Forest Sangha

Sangha = community, often meaning monastic order. Part of identity of Theravada tradition is practising what Buddha did without unnecessary changes. Emphasises meditation in secluded settings. Monasteries in Hants, Herts, Devon, Northumberland. English Sangha Trust 1957 Kapilavaddho; 1977 Ajahn Chah (Thai) visited 1977 and monasteries began to emerge. Chah died 1992, carried on by Ajahn Sumehdo (US origin). Monasticism strictly maintained, supported by Thai residents as improving karma. But this is not what represents Forest Sangha to British people - more likely to be emphasis on meditation, charismatic attraction of monks, and venerability of Theravada. Training in meditation is one of main attractions for West. Part of attraction is authenticity, but difficult to establish nature of original practice.

Theravada monks traditionally have two roles - to preserve texts and to undertake practices, including meditation, focused on release from samsara. Meditation regarded in Thailand as for specialists only, but Ajahn Chah made it central for all his monasteries. Throws into question the idea of continuous tradition - is unbroken, but has changed.

Lay followers practice, knowledge and skill patchy - particularly knowledge, as study of texts is not prioritised.

The New Kadampa Tradition

Split from Gelugpa (of Dalai Lama) because of Gesha Kelsang's refusal to abandon a practice the Dalai Lama had banned. Conscious attempts to adapt Tibetan Buddhism for West e.g. sadhanas invoke help of deities - translated into English. Otherwise has kept to traditional forms and symbols e.g. teaching traditional cosmology; iconography - shrines are substantial.

Gelugpa founded C15 by Tsangk'apa in attempt to return to "pure" Buddhism such as taken from India to Tibet in C10, C11. Shows traditions not static. But sees itself as entirely continuous.

Ordination structure. Men become novices then full monks after long time; women cannot be full monks. NT have changed novice vows - more suitable for West. Women and men broadly equal.

Textual material represented by Gesha Kelsang's books, not primary canonical material. GK claims they re-present Tsangk'apa's work for Western audiences. Study is learning by heart. General programme; foundation programme; teacher training programme. 142 Teachers and teachers' lineage have fundamental impact - possibly if Buddhism becomes better established and remarkable teachers less prominent, and texts will gain more status.

Friends of the Western Buddhist Order

Overtly present form of Buddhism it says is appropriately adapted from traditional forms. Founded by Sangharakshita 1967 after rejected by English Sangha Trust. Not concerned with maintaining "pure" Buddhism but believe richness of tradition provides parts which can be brought together to create new form suitable for all. I note this is being couched entirely in terms of east and west - undoubtedly due to impact of colonialisation. But what about other cultures? Does not see self as either Theravada or Mahayana. Sees self as coherent not eclectic.

Is now a major voice for Buddhism in UK, understands value of PR.Major change in form - outward looking and using a western institution - PR - to get its message out and to cement its place

147 estimate 5000 people, 2000 members. Unlike Forest and NKT does not regard monastic lifestyle as suitable for west. Active in countries, including India, where they are successful among dalits. Addresses diversity by claiming a core discernible in both historical and contemporary forms. Membership is via rigorous selection process. Emphasis on hierarchy - structure based on perception of practitioner's "going for refuge" i.e. confidence in Buddha etc.

149 membership comparatively well educated - degrees and post grad etc. Study of texts is more like university with study of provenance, critique etc. Texts used to be chosen according to tastes of teacher, but has gradually developed informal canon of works.

Diversity - some tensions - conflicts within groups. E.g. issue of devotion to a teacher (which for individualistic west is difficult to understand). Sometimes it is a misapplication of doctrine.

151 Also - doubt over Sangharakshita's autobiography. Questions raised in house of Commons about whether FWBO video misrepresents Buddhism. Some umbrella groups - none encompasses all UK Buddhist groups.

154 NBO - fluctuating membership; aim to communicate with outside world dropped because representation seen as highly problematic. Fieldwork evidence - majority of attenders have little idea what NBO does.

Buddhists have to select what authentically represents Buddhism. For those who have not yet accepted a teacher or a tradition, Buddhism must be discerned from among the contrasting representations on offer.

Buddhism no longer regarded as contained within canonical texts. To understand contemporary UK Buddhism one must take account of a variety of symbolic encodements.

Herbert, D: Representing Islam: the "Islamisation" of Egypt 1970-2000

162 growth of Islam to public prominence since 1970. Must consider theories of relationship between Islam and modernisation. Islam represented everywhere - dress, diet, law, politics. Mubarak introduced hisbah law after coming to power 1981. Islamic clothing boutiques 1990s, care services since 1970s.

164 Egypt influential in Islamic world because of :

Also has more NGOs than rest of Arab world put together - indicates diversity.

166 Many developments in Islamisation are new rather than continuous, e.g. women adopting veil, while diversification of style witnesses to influence of globalisation. Unprecedented number of Islamic publications, with new means of dissemination - creates new communities, and have made traditional ways of policing public space less effective.

167 1960s Islam seen as irrelevant, practised by the poor. State was Arab nationalist and socialist. Definition of modernisation: Inglehart processes of industrialisation... urbanisation, mass education, occupational specialisation, bureaucratisation and communications development.

168 coincidence of modernisation and Islamisation contradicts secularisation thesis. Secularisation allows that under certain conditions relation between modernisation and religion can be reversed e.g. where religion supports nationality e.g. Poland, Ireland - process known as cultural defence. Question is whether there are so many exceptions that the theory is flawed.

168 Question to ask is is Egypt exceptional, like Poland etc, or is it more typical of global conditions than the European pattern is. Is religion a means to an end?

Argument here is that Islamic discourse is used to express interests that can also be described in secular terms - living standards, political participation etc. But recognising that religion also shapes social and cultural systems and therefore also political and economic. Cannot be seen as core of secular material interests behind an Islamic "cultural facade".

Question = how is "Islamic" being used? E.g. in context of bank - may not do much different from any other bank. International context: Egyptian government represents self as secular to maintain outside support; western governments have interest in accepting that representation to prevent replacement by more Islamic forms.

Political context

Modern Egyptian state not weak (reason often cited for instability). Dalacoura suggests three types of state - stable, fierce and rentier, and says As the example of the Gulf monarchies makes clear, liberalism cannot develop if central government is not dependent on taxation. Current events in the middle east make this seem too absolute. International pressure can make a difference. It remains to be seen whether it makes a real or permanent difference. Nasser - nationalist and socialist, supported by Muslim Brotherhood till attempt on Nasser's life led to repression. UAR with Syria and Yemen 1958 - Syria left 1961. Mid 60s economy in trouble - sabre rattling led to Israeli pre-emptive strike June 1967 - embarrassing defeat and severe psychological blow to Arabs. Some saw opportunity to rethink role of Arab world in international order (Tibi). But this was overtaken by resurgence of interest in Islam suggests Tibi sees Islam as entirely anti-modernisation.

173 issues of definition of fundamentalism - often rejected and deemed inappropriate, but carries two key parts - return to origins and defence against modernisation. Book uses "Islamist" which is accepted by subjects.

174 Sadat promoted Islamism to combat radical Islamism, but his approach to Israel lost him popularity; Sept 1981 began mass arrests, which cost him his life. Mubarak set out to accommodate moderate Islamists - permitted alliances between still illegal Muslim Brotherhood and political parties, while cracking down on extremists - security forces didn't always differentiate. Human rights abuses throughout 90s.

176 "Political Islam" and "social Islam". Ayubi not a coherent Islamic ideology but a shared Islamic ethos, often with strong local roots. Under Sadat economic liberalisation and early encouragement of Islamic moderates provided conditions for development of Islamic and Coptic organisations to fill welfare gaps. 177 Example - Community Association of Esbet Zein.


Sullivan, D and Abed-Kotob S "Zaynab al-Ghazali: Islamist feminist?", in Mumm (2002)

1935 aged 17 worked for Egyptian Feminist Union. 1936 formed Muslim Women's Association. 38 grave error to speak of the liberation of women in an Islamic society. Islam provided women with everything - freedom, economic rights, political rights, social rights, public and private rights even if these not currently present. 1937 lecture to Muslim Sisters' Association at Muslim Brotherhood HQ - strong relationship developed, but refused merger.

Government ordered closure in 1940s crackdown on Islamics. Al-Ghazali fought in courts and won, but persecution continued. 1964 Nasser closed Association down. 1965 al-Ghazali arrested, held 7 years and tortured.

40 al-Ghazali said public participation permitted after duties as mother and wife fulfilled, but in her own life her mission took precedence. Divorced first husband, and second co-operated. Al-Ghazali uses "jihad" and "mujahidin" about her campaign.

41 does not speak of equality, but shows strength and independence in her actions. Cooke By her own example, she emphasises that women should be active in seeking to apply duties to God and the Islamic state above rights of individuals.... may claim in interviews and write in Islamic journals that women should restrict themselves to the home, but in her life, and significantly in writing her life, she marginalises domesticity.


Shaik Hamid Al Nayfar "How Can A Muslim Live In This Era?" in Mumm (2002)

57 Tunisia late 60s. People joining Islam because:

At same time Sadat's release of members of Islamic Brotherhood increased literary production.

On going to university, met more people from left and right; learned about imperialism; discovered history of intervention by foreigners.Change of representation of Islam to this young man as struggle against foreign domination

1975 travelled to Egypt - became disillusioned about MB - out of ouch. Started considering "Tunisian Islam" - then taboo. Couldn't just address Islam as a s whole and ignore uniqueness of individual countries.

1979 Iranian revolution - also caused stirrings of debate etc


178 other examples of social Islam. YMMA, individual foundations such as Mustafa Mahmud Society.

Sullivan 1994 - popularity of Muslim social and medical services - perception of combining efficiency and care.

Sadat persuaded to allow exiled Muslim Brotherhood members back to take part in infatah. Many businesses became Islamic - associated with no interest transactions, holding prayers at work and other signs of piety.

IICs - Islamic Investment Companies - issue of "riba" - usury. Dispute over its precise meaning. Alternatives e.g. profit share introduced. 1970s oil boom led to popularity of Islamic banks - ordinary banks opened Islamic departments. But banks have reverted to conventional practices with increasingly ingenious attempts to preserve prohibition on interest. IICs have become more important for majority.

Government legislation 1988 to force IICs to open books uncovered incidents of fraud that damaged confidence. Little distinctively Islamic about Islamic banks or IICs. Little more than rebranding: but Islamic brand continues to sell. Ayubi suggests implicit challenge to the state by taking over systems and networks. Others develop this. Ayubi says some businesses fund mosques with anti-state preachers, others fund extremists, but most are conservative, traditional. Also social networks may bring together people with similar feelings of frustration towards the state, but they don't express those feelings. But 184 Their steady growth and penetration of society through networks of mutual support and obligation provides a crucial and often neglected context for understanding the rise of political Islam. And if you're thinking in terms of representation through new media changing what people think of Islam, then you have to take real physical issues like this into account too - media images reinforce, but don't replace

184 Functionalisation of Islam - adaptation to perform new functions in modern contexts. Egyptian government has in fact taken lead in this process through law, TV, institutions like Al-Azhar university. Government has own vision of Islam as public religion I note that throughout he speaks of government as having one voice - not necessarily so and promotes this through all means available. 185 social and political mobilisation of Islamic discourse by Islamist groups has developed in response to the intervention of the Egyptian state in the field of culture. Sadat introduced law on apostasy; sharia became main source of law; Mubarak introduced hizbah law. Government's stance partly due to competition with Islamic groups to prove Islamic credentials.

Al-Azhar university lost support when fatwa issued in favour of Sadat's approach to Israel, but relationship with state is complex and it remains influential throughout the Sunni world.

188 Society reproduces itself through education. Introduction of mass schooling started early C19, Ali's attempt to create literate and technically able class to combat west, especially British - failed in this. But education played big part in functionalisation of Islam. Koran seen as life curriculum. 190/1 complementary relationship between Islam and modern science. Technology used e.g. loudspeakers and audio cassettes. Science legitimised e.g. IVF - (?) different from western experience of conflict between religion and science. Religion thus functionalised without being disenchanted. Disenchantment caused by fundamental displacement of supernatural modes of explanation by naturalist ones. Unforeseen consequence of educational and Islamic policy - literacy has encouraged people to read scriptures and draw their own conclusions.

191/2 Starrett This combination of religion and modern education has proved dangerous to the religious establishment and the government that relies on it for legitimacy, because in the world of mass literacy, mass marketing and mass (not to say international) communication, the exclusive interpretative authority of local state based 'ulama has been permanently broken. Authority is now a characteristic of the products themselves.

192 Religious discourse remains authoritative but becomes divorced from institutions that previously sanctioned its message. Question: do new technologies corrode thinking habits of traditional world views. Answer in Egypt apparently not. Some technologies have revived middle eastern tradition of secondary orality. Radio, TV, internet can restore a "presence" lacking in the printed text.

Effect - when government asks for authoritative statement, conflict intensifies between parties seeking to control Islamic discourse. 193 Starrett In becoming hegemonic Islam... is forced by necessity not only to provoke limited counter languages, but to become itself the language in which cultural and political battles are fought by the vast majority of interested parties. Thus becoming more dominant entails becoming less monolithic. Good example of how and why dominance is always contested.

Tactic of introducing rational form of Islam misfired. Partly, I'd say. Egypt is a fairly stable country. Islam has become a medium of mass communication. Not a medium but a discourse; and one of the key features of discourses is who is allowed to speak them - in Egypt the masses can, according to this. A good deal less monolithic in structure than e.g. Saudi Arabia.

Political Islam, public Islam, social Islam - all representations

Opposition - accept system but don't accept government, or don't accept system. State does not allow Islamist parties to register, so MB makes informal alliances with parties and takes over professional associations. Some extremists exist - most estimates say not more thana few thousand.

Most Egyptians agree Islam should have some sort of role in state.

196 at end of Ottoman empire two sides - Islam should/ should not be involved in state - exemplified by two authors - argument continues today.

Qu'ran has approximately 200 verses of legislation and nothing on political system. Sharia = "way". fiqb "legal theory" - body of commentary built up over several hundred years. 198 Sharia etc need to be interpreted before implemented.

199 Shura "consultation" - potentially democracy.

200 umma - the entire Islamic community.

Political Islamic concepts all rest on lack of historical perspective - threatening to freedom of expression.

200/01 democracy in many Islamic countries. Generally it is exclusion of Islamic practices that engenders extremist reaction, but power and attractiveness of idea of democracy may cause it to be used by people who are not really committed to it.

201 Ozdalga shows Turkish women students have complex relationship with Islam combining traditional approach to arranged marriage, feminist attitudes to role of women in work and leadership, and revivalist attitudes to dress and public morality.

Linking extremism to primary sources may misrepresent political Islam. Needs to be seen in context of politically repressive military regimes. MB has mobilised in elite professions, but not poorer ones -contradicts sense of them recruiting among the poor But similar to Communist recruitment of middle class intellectuals in UK Participation in elections to these bodies low, but MB argue it has increased since they began campaigning. Build on tradition of social responsibility. Wickham describes these associations as sites of potential innovation.

"Islamic trend" - wide range of social and cultural phenomena.

204 Authors suggest bottom up Islamisation more important in shaping representation on Islam in Egypt that text based arguments outlines above.

205 different representations In clothing Islamic styles may be chic, modest but alluring, or genuinely designed to reduce attention to the wearer.

Can Islam's strengthening in Egypt be accommodated under the "cultural defence" or "cultural transition" arguments of secularisation theory? Islamic social organisations suggest that Islam can function in a modern society. as Christian voluntary organisations in UK e.g. NCH, Barnardo's. 208 evidence here suggests a phenomenon that secularisation theory cannot, by definition, recognise: the successful integration of religion into the functional systems of a modern society

Hunter argues three options for religious groups faced with modernism - withdraw, adapt, resist. But the evidence here suggests this model underestimates the range of options available and adaptive capacities.

208/9 representations in theories e.g. fundamentalism as delayed reaction to colonialism.

Differences to west - religion and science not seen as antagonistic; audio, visual and computing technology have arrived before completion of industrial phase of modernisation; post-industrial technologies arguably much more friendly to transmission of religious and other cultural traditions; transmission and reproduction of images, texts and voices which end state and elite monopoly; these and mass transport systems help overcome dislocation of migration.

Hence theory of resacralisation. Religious traditions change but survive and may even increase social influence. Europe had long period of exposure to industrial technologies without post-industrial communications systems, and this damaged traditional system of cultural transmission.


Abu-Lughod, L (1997) Dramatic reversals: political Islam and Egyptian television

Alrawi on influence of Islamic lobby on state controlled media.

Key serials late 80s and early 90s - writers have a certain independence from government but share discourse of nationhood and citizenship. Growing signs of self consciously Islamic cultural identity in 80s but series ignored Islamist movements. "White Flag" personifies immorality as nouveau riche, morality as serious professional classes. No opposition between westernisation and authentic indigenous identity.

Much religious programming, prayer, etc - but segregated from serials, which were very popular.

Many urban intellectuals saw their Nasserite vision of progress as threatened by both new wealth and religious groups. Series upheld secular national institutions of post-colonial period, informed citizenship etc. Islamists see selves as offering alternative, moral path to modernity - resent their exclusion from TV drama series, and condemn TV.

325 Fatwa by Shaykh Jad al-Haqq of Al-Azhar 1988 said Islam did not forbid arts but they had to be proper; so socially conscious TV drama would be OK.

Many productions independently financed, so state's only control is power of censorship. Also necessity of selling to conservative wealthy Gulf states.

326 Nostalgia for Nasser - socialism and nationalism. Hilmiyya Nights. Ra'fat al-Haggan ( a spy story)links Egyptian nationalism and Islamic identity.

329 From 1991 violent clashes between state and Islamic groups became regular. TV began to include unflattering characters of extremists. 330 Minister of Information wounded 1993, began to call for more use of media to confront terrorism. Accounts of pieces in production. "The Family" 1994 built around debates about proper understanding of Islam.

333 June 1993 bomb killed schoolgirls - minister ordered female TV announcers not to wear lipstick or bright clothing. Could be seen as mourning, could be seen as Islamic.


Beckerlegge, G: Computer-mediated religion: religion on the internet at the turn of the twenty-first century

1990s availability of microcomputers led to spread of internet beyond location and local control. As significant as writing, printing and moving images.

223 Internet transforms study of religion - primary texts, libraries, databases. A number of sites express religious hatred. Combination of commerce and religion is common - advertising or sales. Patel's corner shop - commercial activities and prayer time alerts. "eMuezzins".

Anonymity allows sensitive questions to be addressed e.g. homosexuality in Islam. Private method of worship; also for those whose time is limited.

227/8 Email prayer group.

229 Durga Puja "gloriously online".

229-231 Kumbla Mela at Allahabad - transmission tinged with commercialism drew complaints. (Journal of Contemporary Religion)

231 dissent - bishop Gaillot of RC church Partenia

232 recruitment - provision of information and possibility of contact. Suggestion that fear of cults has changed attitudes to NRMs e.g. seeking out lonely and vulnerable people on the web - e.g. Heaven's gate suicide pact. Dawson and Hennebry say evidence does not support this. Also there are plenty of ways this happens off the net e.g. Jonestown massacre. Seems internet leaves too much power in the hands of the anonymous enquirer.

234 summary of web site usage.

234 Willow Creek - pioneering spirit. See also how a Texas church joined.

234 Cybersikhs, and perhaps cybervesa - service.

Responding to the age of the internet

Christian - C of E 1999 report on the internet - late and naive - Ship of Fools. Failed to consult e.g. COIN. David Hope's attitude - internet makes him feel lost and contributes to movement towards a soulless society. There is a sense in which representation is in the eye of the beholder - this picture of the C of E makes me shake my head in familiar sorrow and despair. And also I note from having read the rest of the article that he is described as the closest thing the C of E has to a backbone by a Conservative Party alliance, and that his concerns are much wider than the internet.

Later that same say.... glad I tracked down the original interview - new url - because the impression given in the book is not altogether accurate. First of all, Hope is described as "backbone" by the Conservative Christian Fellowship, which means a fellowship for members of the Conservative Party, implying a very specific point of view. Secondly, in the interview he expresses his disquiet about the materialistic tone of modern life in a whole variety of ways. While he is still too negative about the internet (in my opinion) he sees it really as a minor issue compared to the gross materialism our society displays in so many other ways.

Jews - ultra-orthodox groups ban the net like they banned TV, others e.g. Lubavitchers, use it. Something to do with engagement with the world - you can withdraw from the world in order to engage in it, or in order to protect yourself from it.

Buddhists - 243 some suspicion, but Pannyavaro uses internet as will "eventually globalise the dhamma and free it of its cultural accretions", liberating Buddhism "from the institutional grip and irrelevancies of non-Buddhist cultural practices.

244 imbalance of representation - either strong leaders or in English - reflects western dominance of internet - issue of exclusion - difference in India between English speaking middle-class and everyone else.

245 Possibly information aristocracy; possibly information hierarchy - in the literal sense.

245-6 hate speech on internet uniquely upheld in USA. Stormfront et al obsession with Aryan racial purity and seedline. Christian sites against homosexuality. Protestant sites against Catholics.

Web may form platform for anticult movement.

Forms of censorship - vigilante action, flaming. Parent control - software does not list which sites it bans and some companies are associated with Christian Right.

Net forms globalised community in which individual is liberated/isolated from local community. Bonded by interest rather than geography - goes right back to Tonnies gemeinschaft (community) and gesellschaft (association). Among other things Tonnies overlooked that some people *prefer* more anonymity which gives them more autonomy.

Technology affects mediation of social life - religion, as part of social life, cannot escape these changes (Lundby and Hoover).

254 Rheingold Virtual e social aggregations that emerge from the Net when enough people carry on... public discussions long enough with sufficient human feeling to form webs of personal relationships in cyberspace. But fundamental question is whether virtual communities are pseudo-communities or real ones. what may be disclosed over the internet can be intensely personal and touch on values or questions that an individual holds dear. But difficult to judge whether the most intimate dimensions of religious activity could be sustained in a virtual community.

256 ...extent to which use of the internet already has swept up religion into the accelerating process of globalisation, and, second, the way in which organised religion is having to rethink basic assumptions about the nature of community, as remoteness, anonymity, dispersion and irregular patterns of work increasingly come to characterise the experience of many people. In time, it may also need to reconsider what is meant by "sacred text".

257 cyberspace

257-8 goes into the whacky - could have stuck with more "normal" and more powerful examples of the effects of cyberspace.

259 conclusion gets a bit flowery.


Wertheim in reader: Pearly Gates of Cyberspace

Until recently cyberspace exclusive. Much sexism and other isms evident eg in X-files and Star Trek newsgroups I'm inclined to say what do you expect if you go to those places. The internet mirrors the social values of everyday life, just like every other medium. Expressions about the new frontier, the new continent, new world not in the places I go to Sardar suggests cyberspace is particularly geared towards the erasure of all non-Western histories implication is that colonised people should be grateful for technological marvels the western world brings. But it doesn't suggest that to me. It means that the western world can talk to itself until it's blue in the face. If one person in a developing country gets hold of a server, their history will be revived not erased. Look at all the activity going on in Africa, Asia, South America, everywhere. Wertheim thinks it's an area of ongoing cultural imperialism. Sardar calls it the museumisation of the world.

Cyberspace is an inner space of humanity's own making, a space where the vilest sides of human behaviour can all too easily effloresce. ..neoNazi and skinhead sites have proliferated... But so have liberal sites, feminist sites, etc. I can't figure out whether Wertheim thinks the internet is just like the rest of the world, a vile place for women to be in, or whether she thinks it is worse than the rest of the world. That's a problem, because it means I don't know how to engage with her rhetoric. (And it is rhetoric rather than argument.)


Study guide p43 discusses functionalisation *and hence* integration of religion in modern world. Functionalisation is not the only possibility for integration, unless integration is being used in terms only of insertion into modern paradigm.

Study guide p52 The very presence of religion on the World Wide Web at what is still a relatively early stage in its popular use conveys a powerful signal about attitudes to modernity and the way in which religion sees itself in the modern world. To me it's not that powerful. The internet is just another medium. It's not magic. It's going to be populated by people who have something to say. And religions have something to say. It may be a powerful message about secularisation theory, i.e. that it can't account for this, but not about religion per se.